Will Pakistan Ever Become a Normal Country?

 

 

Dr. Umar Khan

khanmomar@hotmail.com

Dr. Khan belongs to a Lahore based Think Tank.

28-9-26

 

Will Pakistan Ever Become a Normal Country?

While searching through old photographs in a dusty trunk, I found an old envelope. The address was written in an immature but familiar handwriting. Inside was a letter I had written in Urdu to my father when I was six years old. It was late 1965, and my soldier father was posted in Kashmir after the recently concluded Indo-Pak war. Following pleasantries, I was shocked to find the first sentence: “Aba aap ne kitney Hindu maarey?” — Daddy, how many Hindus did you kill?

An innocent six-year-old mind had been so poisoned that he considered Hindus—fifteen percent of the world’s population—completely dehumanized, and killing them a noble task. This innocent writer was not alone. Millions of Pakistani children were brought up filled with hate and zeal for violence, partially a legacy of the extreme bloodshed of Partition.

Growing up in Pakistan in the sixties, the important patriotic lessons a child learned were as follows: As a good Pakistani, I must hate India, which had never accepted Pakistan and was always scheming to destroy it. Hindus were the most evil intriguers, and I should hate them. Then the targets turned international. Communists were atheists and anti-religious, so as a Muslim living in Pakistan—the bastion of Islam—I must hate them and work to destroy them. Jews were also evil, always conniving, and I was to hate and fight them too. The hate-filled derogatory term “Yahood o Hanood” was openly discussed in the national media and considered socially acceptable. Then there were local villains deserving my hatred, primarily the Ahmadis, who were heretics and thus deserving of my utmost contempt. I was convinced, like millions of others, that getting martyred fighting these evils would be the noblest wish I should strive for.

Then came other important lessons: Bengalis of East Pakistan were short and dark, making them inferior, along with their historically doubtful loyalty. They were always to be suspected and never trusted—but let us keep this topic for another time. Interestingly, despite studying in a church-run public school, these prejudices were reinforced, and progress of the nation, human development, or human rights were never mentioned without ridicule. Much later, in my adolescent years attending an elite public school in Pakistan, we were encouraged by our Islamiat teacher to conquer Delhi, Moscow, and—for this extremely ambitious teacher—Washington too.

The creation of Pakistan was based on the two-nation theory, which held that Hindus and Muslims cannot live together, or in other words, Muslims cannot live as a minority. Yet today, millions of Pakistani Muslims eagerly migrate to non-Muslim-majority countries and live peacefully with Hindus and Sikhs. This raises a question: is the Pakistani expat community negating the two-nation theory? If that is the case, then their privileges as Pakistanis must be withdrawn.

So we see that, unfortunately, the creation of Pakistan was based on hatred as its most important raison d’être. What it resulted in was a strange state the kind the world had never witnessed. A staunch and unbendable set of enforced beliefs, having little rationale behind them. It has been going through a critical period since its very inception, facing one crisis after another and refusing to learn. There is no mention of public welfare.

In its short history, it has been in perpetual wars—starting with the first Kashmir war, to the Cold War, to the 1965 war, to the Bangladesh war, to the Afghan war, to Kargil and other Kashmir wars, to another Afghan war, to the war against terrorism, to multiple wars against the Baloch and tribals, and many more, with no end in sight. In its early days, it excelled in sports, producing world-class athletes like Subedar Khaliq and squash legends like the Hashim brothers, and dominated world hockey. But now Pakistan is nowhere to be seen. Any big achiever we see now is not due to Pakistan but despite it. Now our only achievements are military, and the innumerable list of martyrs is increasing exponentially. Pride is synonymous with the military and its parades. There are unending wars, and its cities are decorated with models of fighter airplanes, tanks, bombs, and pictures of martyrs. Hatred for India, Hindus, and Jews is prevalent and encouraged.

This has resulted in a country with a tattered economy needing a lifeline of loans for its survival but still prides itself in being a nuclear power; the world’s poorest. It is among one of the most unstable countries. It ranks among the highest in terror-affected nations. Tax spenders are honorable while taxpayers are humbled. The passport ranking is one of the lowest in the world. Pakistanis have become pariahs of the world, routinely going through belittling experiences at airports the world over. One cannot discuss the biggest expense: defense, that is conducted mostly through guns with hardly any diplomacy. This has resulted in strained relations with all its neighbors except one.

Pakistan has been losing land gradually—first Kashmir, then East Pakistan, then Siachen, among others. It has become a gun for hire, fighting proxy wars. We participated in the Cold War and still pride ourselves on defence pacts with others, basically for want of money. Many foreign players influence Pakistan’s internal affairs and politics directly, raising serious doubts about its sovereignty. It has lots of religion still unable to control dishonesty and corruption. Cleanliness, education, and human rights—the most important tenets of Islam—are totally ignored while rituals have dominated.

Ye ummat rivāyāt meñ kho ga.ī
Haqīqat ḳhurāfāt meñ kho ga.ī

The condition of human development is one of the lowest. In corruption (CPI), it ranks 135 out of 180. Pakistan’s judiciary is ranked 130 among 143. Only 60% are literate, barely. It has one of the highest infant mortality rates: 48–52 deaths per 1,000 live births. It ranks 164th out of 193 in the Human Development Index. Life expectancy is much lower, ranking 164 out of 193. It ranks among the bottom tier in per capita income, making it a very poor country.

A very healthy and vibrant society got derailed and spoiled by strange developments. Former UK Home Secretary Suella Braverman in April 2023 linked British Pakistani men to child sexual exploitation grooming gangs, suggesting something inherently flawed in the society. Afghan National Security Advisor Hamdullah Mohib and US lawyers also share unflattering views that we have gotten used to.

Honor killings further lend credence to this argument. Unfortunately, having lived in this society, I will confess that these allegations, although exaggerated, are not entirely baseless.

In short, Pakistan has become an unending quagmire with no end in sight. It is time to face the truth and reality and take the bull by its horns.

To begin with, we must confess that Pakistan is neither a divine light nor one of God’s mysteries. It is a region of the world afflicted by the scourges of lawlessness, mismanagement, corruption, unbridled institutions, unemployment, inflation, and hunger. An unfortunate country where the law enforcers are the biggest lawbreakers. A few minutes on the roads will make it clear that responsibility is often considered impunity.

We must stop living in our imaginary glorious past and start facing reality. Must stop glamorizing violence and the violent. We must have limits of glamorizing the martyrs; Pakistani moms raise their sons to have nice productive noble lives and not to get killed violently.

A nation based on hate cannot realistically be optimistic about its future and the wellbeing of its citizens. Let us start respecting its citizens, by surrendering to their collective political judgment and then investing in their talents. Pakistan must fight and end hatreds of all kinds, freeing our young of the innumerable prejudices we enforce on them. We must stop the demonization and degrading of Hindus, Sikhs, Jews, or anyone else. We must cure this artificial, destructive xenophobia by ending the overuse of the word “ENEMY”. After curing the self-destructory attitudes, let us start focusing on our 250 million hapless citizens and improving their pathetic conditions. There is no nobler and greater achievement than improving the lot of people.

 Let us make Pakistan a normal country that strives to be a blessing for its people and not for international powers.

Riyāsat hogī, māñ kī jaisī
The state will be like a mother.

 

 

 

khanmomar@hotmail.com

 

 

 

 

Pakistan’s Real Issue?

 

Pakistan’s Real Issue?

Dr. Umar Khan
Friday, June 27, 2008

 

For more than a year, the judges’ issue has gripped the nation. Despite the heavy-handedness of the previous government and the political maneuvering of the present one, the issue refuses to be sidelined.

 

The latest popular narrative is that this is a war of egos between General Musharraf and the deposed Chief Justice (CJ). Whether this narrative is being deliberately promoted or the nation is simply tempted to reduce a complex issue to a personal conflict is unclear. Unfortunately, even some respected writers have propagated this view.

 

But is the issue really that simple? Is the nation being held hostage to the egos of two individuals? Nothing could be further from the truth. Several fundamental principles are at stake—principles that much of the world settled long ago. We are still struggling to establish them in Pakistan, but better late than never.

 

The real issue is who has the right to rule Pakistan: the people, through their collective wisdom embodied in the Constitution, or the man holding the biggest gun? Is the Constitution the foundation of our laws, or is it subordinate to the whims of individuals who violate it at will? Beyond this central question, numerous other issues are directly or indirectly linked to it.

 

Pakistan has the proud distinction of having been created by a lawyer through a democratic and constitutional struggle. The colonial masters, despite their oppressive rule, generally observed established procedures and laws—a tradition our subsequent rulers conveniently chose to ignore.

 

Despite these proud beginnings, the nation fell into the trap of unelected government functionaries interfering in politics, in violation of their oaths, soon after the death of the Father of the Nation. Gradually, this practice became more entrenched until breaking one's oath was not merely tolerated but often considered desirable, offering substantial rewards to those who did so. Thanks to this impunity, unelected functionaries ruled Pakistan directly for 33 of its first 50 years and exercised influence over it indirectly for much of the remainder.

 

Two related failures of compliance lie at the heart of this problem. The first is the inability—or unwillingness—of our dictators to comply with the Constitution or any written law. General Iskander Mirza could not abide by the Constitution of 1956, which had been promulgated under his supervision, and chose martial law instead. A decade later, General Ayub Khan abrogated his own Constitution before handing over power to General Yahya Khan. General Zia-ul-Haq, after substantially altering the 1973 Constitution through the Eighth Amendment, also found it difficult to respect the very constitutional framework he had reshaped.

 

Rumors abound that, had he lived longer, Zia would have discarded it altogether in the name of Islam. General Musharraf's experience followed a similar pattern. After thoroughly altering the Constitution through the Seventeenth Amendment, he apparently found even that version unacceptable. On November 3, 2007, he suspended the Constitution and imposed emergency rule, precipitating the latest judicial crisis.

 

The second failure concerns the willingness of citizens to submit to illegal usurpers and their illegitimate orders. Such compliance encouraged successive dictators to wreak havoc on the country and its laws.

 

The opposite of bravery is not necessarily cowardice; it is often compliance. As a nation, we have demonstrated far too much of it. No one can abuse an individual or a nation indefinitely without, at the very least, benefiting from the silence and acquiescence of those being abused. We have repeatedly tolerated the excesses of our dictators, and it is hardly surprising that Pakistan now faces enormous problems on multiple fronts.

 

For years, this arrangement seemed to work in favor of the powerful. Many commentators preached submission as our inevitable fate and ridiculed those advocating resistance as immature, idealistic or impractical. That began to change on March 9, 2007, when the Chief Justice refused to submit to overwhelming executive pressure.

 

It was a defining moment in our national history. The country's power dynamics began to change, and civil society rose unexpectedly in defense of the rule of law. The forces of the status quo were compelled to retreat. The deeply entrenched dictator resisted, ultimately resorting to the extraordinary and unlawful measures of November 3, 2007. These resulted in the removal of approximately 60 judges and the imposition of a constitutional order that subsequently required another sweeping indemnity.

 

No self-respecting nation can afford to let individuals unilaterally rewrite its Constitution and imprison an entire judiciary. The Constitution, the foundation of all laws and institutions, is a sacred national compact and must be treated accordingly. Like other constitutions, ours provides for the punishment of high treason for those who abrogate or subvert it through unconstitutional means.

 

It is time we reconsidered our excessive submissiveness and accorded the Constitution the respect it deserves by implementing it in both letter and spirit, including its long-neglected Article 6. We must also determine whether our uniformed security institutions owe their allegiance to an individual or to the nation and its Constitution.

 

The lawyers’ movement, which began on March 9, 2007, and entered a new phase on November 3, achieved a great deal. The pressure it generated helped force Musharraf to relinquish his military uniform. Civil society also helped secure relatively fair elections under a government with a history of controversial electoral practices.

 

The movement's sustained pressure has further compelled the political establishment to consider strengthening Parliament. It has also significantly curtailed the power of the Presidency, leaving Musharraf in a markedly different position from the one he occupied before March 9, 2007.

 

The prevalence of monarchies across much of the Islamic world has contributed to many of the problems these societies face today. Such systems have often prevented democratic values from taking root, leaving political institutions immature and fragile. In these monarchies, the written law has frequently been subordinated to the ruler's word, which is treated as law in itself.

 

Unfortunately, these attitudes remain deeply entrenched. They help explain why credible, constitutional democracy has struggled to take root across much of the Muslim world. This failure has damaged the image of Islam and Muslims more than almost anything else, because it has obscured the democratic and consultative principles that ought to inform public life.

 

Although the judicial movement has achieved remarkable success, it must maintain pressure to accomplish more. The challenges remain formidable, and every one of them must be overcome. Despots and aspiring despots cannot tolerate an independent judiciary; their designs must therefore be resisted.

 

The supremacy of the Constitution must be established, and the institutions it creates—particularly Parliament and the judiciary—must be accorded the authority and respect they deserve. Unfortunately, these institutions do not command armed forces of their own and must rely on their constitutional legitimacy. Making that legitimacy effective requires an alert, organized and mobilized civil society.

 

We must therefore continue our struggle in support of Parliament and the judiciary.

 

The lawyers’ movement is not about the ego or career of any individual. It is about establishing the rule of law in Pakistan. The road is long, and the journey is difficult, but the struggle must continue. After all, the ripest peach hangs highest on the tree.

 

We must strengthen our institutions if we want to make Pakistan strong, stable and prosperous. This is precisely what distinguishes ordinary nations from great ones—and Pakistan is no ordinary nation.

 

 

Time to Appreciate the Sanctity of the Elected Assemblies and Their Members

 

Time to Appreciate the Sanctity of the Elected Assemblies and Their Members

Dr. Omar Khan 2000

Time and changing circumstances often compel governments to alter their priorities. It is therefore heartening to know that our government still considers institution-building its foremost priority. One of the major charges against the deposed elected government was its tendency to weaken and discredit state institutions. Its actions against the Supreme Court and the then army chief were cited as evidence of this tendency.

Independent, disciplined and impartial institutions are vital to any state. They contribute more to a country's strength and stability than any number of bombs or guns. They instill in people a sense of fairness, participation and continuity, enabling a nation to meet internal and external challenges with confidence.

The judiciary is among the most important state institutions. Churchill is often credited with the view that a country capable of dispensing justice through its courts can withstand even the gravest threats, including those posed by the Nazis. The armed forces are equally important in providing the coercive strength necessary to deter internal and external threats.

Both these institutions enjoy considerable constitutional and legal protection against defamation and public criticism. The laws governing contempt of court, for example, restrict certain forms of speech concerning judicial proceedings. Similarly, laws relating to the armed forces and national security may constrain the discussion of military failures and misadventures. We guard these institutions jealously, much as we might forgive and defend our own errant children.

It is important that our national institutions command public respect. Even when they fall short, discrediting them will not necessarily correct their deficiencies. Their reputation matters, not least because it helps attract capable people who can improve their performance.

How successfully we have achieved this objective as a nation is open to debate. Tragically, however, we have largely excluded from this consideration the most important family of political institutions: democracy, elected assemblies, political parties and politicians.

National unity is one of a country's greatest sources of strength. Democracy and its associated institutions foster unity by enabling people from all regions, linguistic groups, religious communities and socioeconomic backgrounds to participate in the political process. Democracy gives people a sense of ownership over their collective destiny and reduces the likelihood that they will blame state institutions for their grievances.

These are essential functions of a healthy and viable state, but fulfilling them is no easy task. They require a generation of hardworking, accessible and selfless political leaders at every level. Politicians must listen patiently to the people, including the most disadvantaged, who are often denied access even to the offices of government functionaries.

Despite these demands, politicians receive no guaranteed material rewards for their public service, at least in theory. They are expected to serve the people while facing relentless scrutiny and criticism. By contrast, other state institutions enjoy substantial material resources, privileges and institutional support. The demands placed upon political representatives, coupled with the limited recognition accorded to their public service, make their role particularly challenging.

Not so in Pakistan. On the contrary, we have routinely abused, ridiculed and insulted our political institutions and their representatives for alleged wrongdoing, whether proven or otherwise.

Where has this attitude taken us?

We lost half our country, mismanaged our economy, allowed drugs and weapons to permeate our society, and institutionalized corruption. Today, when we look back at politicians of earlier decades, some appear almost angelic by comparison. Yet they, too, were subjected to relentless accusations of corruption and incompetence and were humiliated and discredited. The much-trumpeted campaign against corruption did not deliver the promised results; Pakistan continued to suffer from deeply entrenched corruption.

Nor did the persecution end there. One leading political office-holder was assassinated, another was hanged, while others were convicted, disqualified or forced from office. In short, successive political leaders were disgraced, and the political system itself was repeatedly weakened.

This is hardly a prudent way to build and strengthen one of the country's most important institutions. If we want healthy and effective political institutions, we must treat them with greater fairness and restraint. We must stop humiliating and ridiculing politicians and resist the tendency to imprison them on questionable or politically motivated grounds.

Politicians are subject to continuous scrutiny by their political opponents, the media and the electorate. This is a demanding form of accountability that is not always matched by equivalent public scrutiny of other powerful institutions. If we must have an institution such as the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), its mandate and priorities should reflect the need for impartiality and fairness, rather than treating politicians as its default targets.

If we wish to enter the twenty-first century with dignity, we must begin rebuilding our political institutions. We must nurture them as we nurture our other national institutions, and we must not interrupt their continuity whenever political circumstances or institutional ambitions dictate.

It is time we began to appreciate the sanctity of elected assemblies and their members. The personal weaknesses or alleged misconduct of individual legislators must not become an excuse for any other institution to dismantle an elected assembly or bring the entire political process to a halt. We have paid a heavy price for this habit in the past.

If we persist, the consequences could be unimaginably tragic. We must recognize that weakening and discrediting political institutions can inflict damage on the country at least as serious as that caused by attacks on the reputation of the military or the judiciary.

A nation cannot build a strong democracy by humiliating its elected representatives, nor can it strengthen the state by repeatedly undermining the institutions through which its people exercise their political will.

 

لمبے موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر ٹرپس کو انجوائے کرنے کا طریقہ

 فرینک ویوز

ہفتہ، 10 اکتوبر 2026

لمبے موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر ٹرپس کو انجوائے کرنے کا طریقہ

ڈاکٹر عمر خان

khanmomar@hotmail.com

ڈاکٹر خان کا تعلق لاہور کے ایک تھنک ٹینک سے ہے

11-10-26

سفر سے لطف اندوز ہونے کا فن

موٹر سائیکل پر ایڈونچر سفر آج کل سب سے زیادہ دلچسپ، آزادی کا احساس دلانے والا اور تسکین بخش مشغلہ بن چکا ہے، اور پاکستان میں یہ تیزی سے مقبول ہو رہا ہے۔ آدھی صدی قبل، صرف چند مہم جو افراد دو پہیوں پر سفر کرتے تھے، جنہیں اکثر لوگ حیرت یا الجھن بھری نظروں سے دیکھتے تھے۔ آج، خوش لباس، مکمل ساز و سامان سے لیس اور ذمہ دار رائیڈرز پاکستان کے انتہائی خوبصورت اور دور دراز مقامات تک رسائی حاصل کر رہے ہیں، بشمول ایسی جگہیں جہاں طاقتور ترین فور بائی فور گاڑیاں بھی بمشکل پہنچ پاتی ہیں۔

کچھ لوگوں کا خیال ہے کہ حالیہ دنوں میں ایندھن کی قیمتوں میں اضافے نے اس رجحان کو فروغ دیا ہے۔ تاہم، برسوں کے تجربے سے میں نے یہ پایا ہے کہ موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر ٹریول ہرگز کوئی سستا مشغلہ نہیں ہے۔ یہ وہ تجربہ، آزادی اور فطرت سے قربت ہے جو اسے اتنا پرکشش بناتی ہے۔ حالیہ عرصے میں جوڑوں کا ایک ساتھ موٹر سائیکلوں پر سفر کرنا اس کی مقبولیت اور دلکشی کو مزید بڑھا رہا ہے۔

1۔ حفاظت ہمیشہ سب سے پہلے

تمام نعمتوں کی طرح، موٹر سائیکلنگ کی خوشیوں سے بھی ذمہ داری اور مناسب احتیاط کے ساتھ لطف اندوز ہونا چاہیے۔

موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر ٹریول کی خوشیاں بے پناہ ہیں، خاص طور پر پاکستان جیسے جغرافیائی طور پر متنوع اور قدرتی حسن سے مالا مال ملک میں۔ اس کے باوجود، یہ ایک ایسا مشغلہ ہے جو ذرا سی غفلت کو معاف نہیں کرتا اور ہر وقت چوکنا رہنے کا تقاضا کرتا ہے۔ حادثے میں غلطی کسی کی بھی ہو، سب سے زیادہ نقصان عام طور پر موٹر سائیکل سوار کو ہی اٹھانا پڑتا ہے۔

ہر رائیڈر کو ATGATT کے اصول پر عمل کرنا چاہیے: All The Gear, All The Time یعنی مکمل حفاظتی لباس، ہر وقت۔

یہ اصول خاص طور پر ہیلمٹ پر لاگو ہوتا ہے۔ کھڑی یا آہستہ چلتی موٹر سائیکل پر مختصر سواری بھی سر کی حفاظت کو نظر انداز کرنے کا جواز نہیں ہے۔ ہم اس سادہ احتیاط کو نظر انداز کرنے کی وجہ سے بہت سے بہترین رائیڈرز اور اچھے انسانوں کو کھو چکے ہیں، جن میں کچھ وہ بھی شامل تھے جو کبھی ہیلمٹ پہننے پر زور دینے والوں کا مذاق اڑاتے تھے۔

ہیلمٹ کے علاوہ، مناسب حفاظتی سامان نہایت ضروری ہے۔ اس میں کہنیوں، گھٹنوں، ہاتھوں، پیروں اور جسم کے تحفظ کے لیے سامان شامل ہے۔ اچھا رائیڈنگ گیئر کبھی کبھار تکلیف دہ محسوس ہو سکتا ہے، لیکن حفاظت کے لیے یہ ایک چھوٹی سی قیمت ہے۔

2۔ اپنی رفتار کو قابو میں رکھیں

ہم چاہے کتنے ہی محتاط کیوں نہ ہوں، ہم سڑک پر ہر صورتحال کو کنٹرول نہیں کر سکتے۔ دوسرے ڈرائیور غیر ذمہ دار، غافل، بے صبر یا سراسر خطرناک ہو سکتے ہیں۔ ایسے حالات میں، موٹر سائیکل سواروں کو اپنی حفاظت کے لیے اضافی ذمہ داری لینی چاہیے۔

ہم دوسروں کی ڈرائیونگ کی عادات کو نہیں بدل سکتے، لیکن ہم یقیناً اپنے رویے کو بدل سکتے ہیں۔ ہمیں دفاعی انداز میں رائیڈ کرنی چاہیے، محفوظ فاصلہ برقرار رکھنا چاہیے، ممکنہ خطرات کا پہلے سے اندازہ لگانا چاہیے، اور کبھی بھی اپنی نظر، سڑک کے حالات اور اپنی مہارت سے زیادہ رفتار سے سفر نہیں کرنا چاہیے۔

رفتار ہمیشہ قابو میں رہنی چاہیے۔ منزل پر تھوڑی دیر سے پہنچنا، بالکل نہ پہنچنے سے کہیں بہتر ہے۔

3۔ گرم اور گرد آلود میدانی علاقوں سے نکلنا

پاکستان ایک وسیع ملک ہے جو غیر معمولی جغرافیائی اور موسمی تنوع سے مالا مال ہے۔ اس کے گرم میدانی علاقے فصلوں اور پھلوں کی شاندار اقسام کو سہارا دیتے ہیں، جبکہ گرمیوں کی حدت مون سون کے چکر میں معاون ثابت ہوتی ہے جو زراعت اور لاکھوں زندگیوں کو برقرار رکھتا ہے۔

ان فوائد کے باوجود، میدانی علاقوں کی گرمی اور گرد کبھی بھی موٹر سائیکل پر میرے پسندیدہ ساتھی نہیں رہے۔ گرمیوں کی گھٹن زدہ گرمی سڑک پر موجود دوسرے لوگوں کو بھی زیادہ چڑچڑا، بے صبر اور غلط فیصلے کرنے پر مائل کر سکتی ہے۔

اسی لیے میں اپنی موٹر سائیکل کو ٹرین، بس یا ٹرک کے ذریعے پہاڑوں کے دامن تک پہنچانے کو ترجیح دیتا تھا، تاکہ اپنی توانائی ایڈونچر کے زیادہ لطف اندوز حصوں کے لیے بچا سکوں۔ اس طریقے سے میں ان مقامات کو دیکھنے اور گھومنے پر توجہ دے سکا جن کے لیے میں گیا تھا، بجائے اس کے کہ صرف وہاں تک پہنچنے میں ہی تھک جاؤں۔

بعد کی زندگی میں، زیادہ وسائل اور لچک کے ساتھ، مجھے ایک اور آسان حل ملا: مانسہرہ میں ایک سادہ، سستی لیکن کارآمد موٹر سائیکل رکھنا۔ وہاں سے میں آسانی سے ناران، کشمیر، شاہراہِ قراقرم، سوات اور چترال تک جا سکتا تھا۔

یہ شمالی علاقوں کو گھومنے کے لیے ایک بہترین اڈہ ثابت ہوا، جس سے ہر سفر میں میدانی علاقوں کی تھکا دینے والی گرمی اور گرد کو برداشت نہیں کرنا پڑتا تھا۔

4۔ صحیح موٹر سائیکل کا انتخاب

صحیح موٹر سائیکل کا انتخاب ایڈونچر سفر کا ایک اہم حصہ ہے۔ میری ترجیح ہمیشہ ایک مناسب قیمت والی مشین رہی ہے جس کے اسپیئر پارٹس آسانی سے دستیاب ہوں اور جسے دور دراز علاقوں میں بھی مکینک مرمت کر سکیں۔

مہنگی اور جدید موٹر سائیکلیں بہترین ہو سکتی ہیں اگر کوئی انہیں افورڈ کر سکے۔ تاہم، مکینیکل خرابیاں ہمیشہ ممکن ہیں، اور ایک چھوٹی سی خرابی بھی بڑا دردِ سر بن سکتی ہے جب ضروری پرزے یا مہارت دستیاب نہ ہو۔

میں نے اکثر مہنگی موٹر سائیکلوں کو نسبتاً معمولی مکینیکل خرابیوں کی وجہ سے ٹرکوں پر واپس گھر لے جاتے دیکھا ہے، جنہیں ایک مقامی مکینک آسانی سے ٹھیک کر سکتا تھا۔

ایڈونچر سفر کے لیے، بھروسہ مندی، سادگی اور مرمت میں آسانی اکثر شان و شوکت یا جدیدیت سے زیادہ قیمتی ہوتی ہے۔ مثالی موٹر سائیکل ضروری نہیں کہ سب سے شاندار ہو؛ وہ ہے جو آپ کو قابلِ اعتماد طریقے سے وہاں لے جائے جہاں آپ جانا چاہتے ہیں اور واپس گھر بھی لے آئے۔

5۔ اپنے سفری ساتھیوں کا انتخاب

صحیح ساتھیوں کا انتخاب بھی ایک اہم فیصلہ ہے۔ اگرچہ موٹر سائیکل سوار گروپ میں سفر کرتے ہوئے بھی اپنی آزادی برقرار رکھتے ہیں، پھر بھی ساتھی رائیڈرز کا مزاج ایڈونچر کے معیار پر نمایاں اثر ڈال سکتا ہے۔

میری ذاتی ترجیح ایسے لوگوں کے ساتھ سفر کرنا ہے جو مددگار، خیال رکھنے والے، سمجھدار اور جذباتی طور پر پختہ ہوں۔ زہریلی شخصیتیں، غیر ضروری مقابلہ بازی اور مسلسل بحث و تکرار خوبصورت ترین سفر کو بھی خراب کر سکتے ہیں۔

میں نے عام طور پر ایک سے پانچ رائیڈرز پر مشتمل گروپ کو سب سے زیادہ آسان پایا ہے۔ چھوٹے گروپس زیادہ لچک پیش کرتے ہیں، فیصلہ سازی کو آسان بناتے ہیں، اور موسم، سڑک کے حالات یا انفرادی ترجیحات کے مطابق منصوبوں میں تبدیلی کو آسان بنا دیتے ہیں۔

اچھے ساتھی صرف سڑک ہی نہیں بانٹتے، وہ تجربے کو مزید بھرپور بنا دیتے ہیں۔

6۔ جانے سے پہلے مطالعہ کریں

سفر سے پہلے حاصل کیا گیا علم ان مقامات کی قدر و قیمت کو بہت بڑھا دیتا ہے جن کی ہم سیر کرتے ہیں۔ ہم منزل کے بارے میں جتنا زیادہ سیکھتے ہیں، تجربہ اتنا ہی زیادہ شاندار بن جاتا ہے۔

مجھے آڑو کی تاریخ کے بارے میں ایک تحریر پڑھنا یاد ہے جس نے اس پھل کو میرے لیے مزید دلچسپ بنا دیا تھا۔ اس کہانی میں بیان کیا گیا تھا کہ آڑو کس طرح مختلف خطوں اور ثقافتوں سے ہوتا ہوا سفر کرتا ہے، اور اس کے تعارف اور پھیلاؤ کو چین، ہندوستان اور بالآخر یورپ سے جوڑا گیا تھا۔ کسی مانوس چیز کے پیچھے کی تاریخ جاننے سے اس کے ذائقے میں ایک غیر متوقع مٹھاس شامل ہو گئی۔

اسی طرح، کسی جگہ پر جانے سے پہلے، ہمیں اس کی تاریخ، جغرافیہ، ثقافت اور سماجی رسوم کے بارے میں جاننا چاہیے۔ ایسا علم ہمیں صرف گزرنے کے بجائے، جو کچھ ہم دیکھتے ہیں اسے سمجھنے میں مدد دیتا ہے۔

پاکستان کی دور دراز وادیوں اور پہاڑی برادریوں کی اپنی منفرد روایات ہیں جو صدیوں کی جغرافیائی تنہائی اور ثقافتی ارتقاء سے بنی ہیں۔ ہمیں ان برادریوں کے پاس احترام، عاجزی اور کھلے ذہن کے ساتھ جانا چاہیے۔ مقامی رسوم کو سمجھنا ہمیں زیادہ خوش آمدید مہمان اور زیادہ باشعور مسافر بننے میں مدد دیتا ہے۔

7۔ موٹر سائیکل رائیڈنگ بطور مراقبہ

مجھے اکثر محسوس ہوتا ہے کہ لوگ دو بڑی اقسام میں بٹے ہوئے ہیں۔ کچھ لوگ پر سکون اور اپنے آپ کے ساتھ مطمئن نظر آتے ہیں۔ وہ زندگی کو آسانی سے لیتے ہیں اور عام طور پر دوسروں کے ساتھ بھی خوش رہتے ہیں۔ جبکہ کچھ لوگ مسلسل دباؤ میں نظر آتے ہیں اور کبھی کبھار وہ دباؤ اپنے ارد گرد موجود ہر شخص تک پہنچا دیتے ہیں۔

مراقبہ، غور و فکر، اور رُک کر خود کو سمیٹنے کی صلاحیت ہمیں زیادہ پرسکون اور متوازن بننے میں مدد دے سکتی ہے۔

میرے لیے، موٹر سائیکل رائیڈنگ اس طرح کے غور و فکر کا ایک بہترین موقع فراہم کرتی ہے۔ یہاں تک کہ جب موٹر سائیکل سواروں کے ہجوم میں رائیڈ کر رہا ہوں، تو انسان بالآخر اپنے خیالات کے ساتھ تنہا ہوتا ہے اور، اگر کوئی عقیدہ رکھتا ہو تو، اپنے خالق کے ساتھ۔

سڑک کی روانی، بدلتے مناظر، اور روزمرہ کی ذمہ داریوں سے دوری، حل طلب الجھنوں پر غور کرنے، ترجیحات پر نظرِ ثانی کرنے اور جمع شدہ ذہنی دباؤ کو کم کرنے کے لیے قیمتی وقت فراہم کر سکتی ہے۔ قدرتی طور پر، یہ غور و فکر ہمیں کبھی بھی سڑک سے غافل نہیں کرنا چاہیے؛ رائیڈنگ کے دوران ہماری توجہ مضبوطی سے ٹریفک اور بدلتے حالات پر رہنی چاہیے۔

میں کئی بار موٹر سائیکل کے سفر سے ایک نرم مزاج، زیادہ پرسکون اور ایک شخص اور شوہر کے طور پر زیادہ محبت کرنے والے انسان کے طور پر واپس آیا ہوں۔ یہ تبدیلی اتنی نمایاں ہو گئی ہے کہ بعض اوقات میری اہلیہ خود ہی تجویز دیتی ہیں کہ میں موٹر سائیکل کے سفر پر جاؤں اور تازہ دم ہو کر واپس آؤں!

8۔ چند سنہری اصول

موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر سفر کے جوہر کے بارے میں بات کرنے سے پہلے، میں چند عملی یاد دہانیاں شیئر کرنا چاہوں گا:

صفائی ہمارے دین اور ہماری زندگی میں ایک اہم قدر ہے۔ ہر جگہ کو اس سے زیادہ صاف چھوڑیں جیسا آپ نے پایا تھا۔ ہمیں قدرتی حسن کو، جس سے ہمیں نوازا گیا ہے، کبھی خراب نہیں کرنا چاہیے۔

خوب پانی پیتے رہیں، خاص طور پر گرم موسم میں۔

جب بھی ممکن ہو اندھیرے میں رائیڈنگ سے گریز کریں۔ کم روشنی میں دوسرے لوگوں کے لیے آپ کو دیکھنا مشکل ہو جاتا ہے اور خطرات کی نشاندہی کرنا بھی زیادہ دشوار ہو جاتا ہے۔

میں نے ہمیشہ صبح سویرے رائیڈنگ کو خاص طور پر تازگی بخش اور لطف اندوز پایا ہے۔

جب بھی کوئی مناسب اور قابلِ اعتماد موقع ملے، خاص طور پر دور دراز علاقوں میں، اپنی فیول ٹینک کو دوبارہ بھر لیں۔ اپنے آپ کو بھی مناسب خوراک دیتے رہیں۔

ہلکی پھلکی غذا کو ترجیح دیں جو آپ کو آرام دہ اور چوکنا رکھے۔

جب بھی کوئی اچھی وجہ ملے تو مناظر سے لطف اندوز ہونے یا کسی دلچسپ چیز کو دیکھنے کے لیے رک جائیں۔

پرسکون رہیں، لیکن چوکنا۔

تھکاوٹ سے نڈھال ہونے سے پہلے رک کر آرام کر لیں۔

قدرے آہستہ رفتار اکثر طویل سفر کو زیادہ محفوظ اور زیادہ لطف اندوز بنا دیتی ہے۔

یاد رکھیں کہ سفر منزل سے کم از کم اتنا ہی اہم ہے۔ اگر آپ سفر سے لطف اندوز نہیں ہو رہے، تو شاید آپ کو اس سے لطف اندوز ہونا سیکھنے کی ضرورت ہے۔

9۔ سڑک سے عشق

یہ بات مجھے اس نکتے کی طرف لاتی ہے جسے میں موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر سفر کا اصل جوہر سمجھتا ہوں۔

ہمیں کبھی بھی قدرت یا مشینوں سے مقابلہ کرنے کی کوشش نہیں کرنی چاہیے۔ یہ ایک ایسا مقابلہ ہے جسے ہم جیت نہیں سکتے۔ اس کے بجائے، ہمیں سڑک اور جس مشین پر ہم سوار ہیں اس کے ساتھ ایک طرح کا عشق پروان چڑھانا چاہیے۔ ایک بار جب ہم ان کی خصوصیات اور حدود کی قدر کرنا سیکھ لیتے ہیں، تو ہم ان حیرتوں کو دریافت کرنے لگتے ہیں جن کا تجربہ ایک جلد باز یا مقابلہ کرنے والا رائیڈر شاید کبھی نہ کر سکے۔

ایک اچھی طرح سے دیکھ بھال کی گئی موٹر سائیکل، جب سمجھداری اور مکینیکل ہمدردی کے ساتھ چلائی جائے، تو کبھی کبھار مشکل حالات میں بھی حیرت انگیز طور پر اچھی کارکردگی دکھا سکتی ہے۔ لیکن یہ کوئی جادو نہیں ہے: سمجھدارانہ دیکھ بھال، مناسب رائیڈنگ تکنیک، اور مشین کی حدود کا احترام اب بھی ضروری ہے۔

یہی فلسفہ خود سفر پر بھی لاگو ہوتا ہے۔ ہمیں ہر پہاڑی درے کو فتح کرنے، سب سے زیادہ فاصلہ طے کرنے، یا کسی کو اپنی برداشت ثابت کرنے کی ضرورت نہیں ہے۔ ہمیں سڑک، مناظر، لوگوں اور وہاں موجود ہونے کی آزادی کا تجربہ کرنے کی ضرورت ہے۔

فاصلے کو فتح کرنے کی کوشش نہ کریں۔ اس کا تجربہ کریں۔

میرا ماننا ہے کہ اللہ تعالیٰ نے انسانوں کو تخلیق کرنے، قدر کرنے اور حصہ ڈالنے کے لیے پیدا کیا ہے، نہ کہ اپنی زندگیاں ایک دوسرے کے ساتھ غیر ضروری مقابلہ بازی میں گزارنے کے لیے۔ جب ہم خود کو ثابت کرنے کی کوشش چھوڑ دیتے ہیں، تو اکثر ہمیں سکون اور اطمینان کا ایک شاندار احساس ملتا ہے۔

ہمیں دوسروں کو کچھ ثابت کرنے کی ضرورت نہیں۔ ہمارا اصل چیلنج خود کو مسلسل بہتر بناتے رہنا ہے۔

10۔ چند چیزوں سے پرہیز

یہاں چند غلطیاں ہیں جن سے میں ساتھی رائیڈرز کو بچنے کی ترغیب دوں گا:

ہر منٹ کی زیادہ منصوبہ بندی نہ کریں۔ اچانک دریافتوں اور غیر متوقع خوشیوں کے لیے گنجائش چھوڑیں۔

جب بھی ممکن ہو رات کے وقت رائیڈنگ سے گریز کریں۔ اپنے دن کی منصوبہ بندی اس طرح کریں کہ آپ اندھیرا ہونے سے پہلے اپنی منزل تک پہنچ سکیں۔

ایک خوبصورت ایڈونچر کو برداشت کے مقابلے میں نہ بدلیں۔ رائیڈنگ ایک لطف ہونا چاہیے، نہ کہ اس بات کا امتحان کہ آپ کتنی تکلیف برداشت کر سکتے ہیں۔

تفریح کے معاملے میں محتاط رہیں۔ اگر آپ موسیقی یا نیویگیشن کا سامان استعمال کرتے ہیں، تو یقینی بنائیں کہ یہ ٹریفک اور اپنے ارد گرد کے ماحول سے آپ کی آگاہی میں مداخلت نہ کرے۔ کبھی بھی ہیڈ فونز، موسیقی یا نیویگیشن کو محفوظ رائیڈنگ سے آپ کی توجہ ہٹانے نہ دیں۔

سب سے سادہ خوشی کو نظر انداز نہ کریں: خود رائیڈ کو۔ ذاتی طور پر، میں موٹر سائیکل اور مناظر کو ہی زیادہ تر تفریح فراہم کرنے دینا پسند کرتا ہوں۔ طویل رائیڈز، جب سوچ سمجھ کر اور محفوظ طریقے سے کی جائیں، تو تقریباً مراقبے جیسی بن سکتی ہیں۔

اپنی منزل کو بہت زیادہ بڑا نہ بنائیں۔ اگر آپ تفریح کے لیے رائیڈ کر رہے ہیں، تو 300 پر لطف کلومیٹر، 600 تھکا دینے والے کلومیٹروں سے کہیں زیادہ فائدہ مند ہو سکتے ہیں۔

سفر ہی انعام ہے

موٹر سائیکل ایڈونچر سفر ایک جگہ سے دوسری جگہ جانے سے کہیں زیادہ ہے۔ یہ آزادی کا تجربہ کرنے، نئے مناظر دریافت کرنے، لوگوں اور ثقافتوں کے بارے میں جاننے، دوستیوں کو مضبوط بنانے اور خود سے دوبارہ جڑنے کا ایک موقع ہے۔

پاکستان اس طرح کے ایڈونچرز کے لیے غیر معمولی مواقع فراہم کرتا ہے، اس کے وسیع میدانی علاقوں اور دامن سے لے کر اس کے شاندار پہاڑوں اور دور دراز وادیوں تک۔ ہم خوش قسمت ہیں کہ ہم ایک ایسے ملک میں رہتے ہیں جہاں اتنا قدرتی حسن اب بھی دریافت ہونے کا منتظر ہے۔

آئیے ان نعمتوں سے ذمہ داری کے ساتھ لطف اندوز ہوں، عاجزی کے ساتھ سفر کریں، فطرت اور مقامی برادریوں کا احترام کریں، اور پچھتاووں کے بجائے یادوں کے ساتھ گھر واپس آئیں۔

محفوظ رائیڈ کریں، خوش رہ کر سفر کریں، اور ایڈونچرز سے بھری ایک طویل، صحت مند زندگی سے لطف اندوز ہوں۔

فی امان اللہ۔

*khanmomar@hotmail.com

How to Enjoy Long Motorcycle Adventure Trips

 

 

Dr. Umar Khan

khanmomar@hotmail.com

Dr. Khan belongs to a Lahore based Think Tank.

11-10-26

 

The Art of Enjoying the Journey

Motorcycle adventure travel has become one of the most exciting, liberating, and rewarding forms of recreation, and it is becoming increasingly popular in Pakistan. Half a century ago, only a handful of adventurous souls travelled on two wheels, often attracting curious or bewildered looks. Today, well-dressed, well-equipped, and responsible riders are reaching some of the most exotic destinations in Pakistan, including places where even the hardiest 4x4 vehicles struggle to venture.

Some people believe that the recent surge in fuel prices has encouraged this trend. However, over the years, I have found that motorcycle adventure travel is anything but an inexpensive hobby. It is the experience, freedom, and closeness to nature that make it so appealing. The recent increase in couples travelling together on motorcycles has further broadened its appeal and charm.

1. Safety Must Always Come First

Like all blessings, the pleasures of motorcycling must be enjoyed responsibly and with appropriate precautions.

The joys of motorcycle adventure travel are enormous, especially in a country as geographically diverse and naturally gifted as Pakistan. Nevertheless, it remains an unforgiving pursuit that demands constant care. Regardless of who is at fault in an accident, it is usually the motorcyclist who suffers the most.

Every rider must follow the ATGATT rule: All The Gear, All The Time.

This applies particularly to helmets. Even a short ride on a parked or slowly moving motorcycle is no reason to neglect head protection. We have lost many wonderful riders and human beings because this simple precaution was ignored, including some who once ridiculed those who insisted on wearing helmets.

Beyond the helmet, proper protective equipment is essential. This includes protection for the elbows, knees, hands, feet, and torso. Good riding gear may feel uncomfortable at times, but it is a small price to pay for safety.

2. Keep Your Speed Under Control

No matter how careful we are, we cannot control every variable on the road. Other drivers may be inconsiderate, distracted, impatient, or downright dangerous. Under such circumstances, motorcyclists must take extra responsibility for their own safety.

We cannot change the driving habits of others, but we can certainly change our own behaviour. We must ride defensively, maintain a safe following distance, anticipate potential hazards, and never travel faster than our visibility, road conditions, and riding skills permit.

Speed must always remain controllable. Reaching a destination a little later is far better than not reaching it at all.

3. Escaping the Hot and Dusty Plains

Pakistan is a vast country blessed with extraordinary geographical and climatic diversity. Its hot plains support a remarkable variety of crops and fruits, while summer heat contributes to the monsoon cycle that sustains agriculture and millions of lives.

Despite these benefits, the heat and dust of the plains have never been my favourite companions on a motorcycle. The suffocating summer heat can also make other road users more irritable, impatient, and prone to poor judgement.

I therefore preferred transporting my motorcycle to the foothills by train, bus, or truck, saving my energy for the more enjoyable parts of the adventure. This approach allowed me to explore the destinations I had travelled to see rather than exhaust myself merely getting there.

Later in life, with greater resources and more flexibility, I discovered another convenient arrangement: keeping a simple, inexpensive, but capable motorcycle in Mansehra. From there, I could easily access Naran, Kashmir, the Karakoram Highway, Swat, and Chitral.

It proved to be an excellent base for exploring the northern areas without having to endure the exhausting heat and dust of the plains on every trip.

4. Choosing the Right Motorcycle

Choosing the right motorcycle is an important part of adventure travel. My preference has always been for a reasonably priced machine with readily available spare parts and mechanics who can repair it, even in remote areas.

Expensive and sophisticated motorcycles can be wonderful if one can afford them. However, mechanical problems are always possible, and a minor fault can become a major headache when the necessary parts or expertise are unavailable.

I have often seen expensive motorcycles being transported back home on trucks because of relatively simple mechanical problems that a local mechanic might easily have resolved.

For adventure travel, reliability, simplicity, and ease of repair are often more valuable than prestige or sophistication. The ideal motorcycle is not necessarily the most impressive one; it is the one that reliably takes you where you want to go and brings you home again.

5. Choosing Your Travel Partners

Choosing the right companions is another important decision. Although motorcyclists generally retain their independence, even when travelling in a group, the temperament of fellow riders can significantly influence the quality of an adventure.

My personal preference is to travel with people who are helpful, considerate, understanding, and emotionally mature. Toxic personalities, unnecessary competition, and constant arguments can spoil even the most beautiful journey.

I have generally found groups of one to five riders the easiest to manage. Smaller groups offer greater flexibility, simplify decision-making, and make it easier to adjust plans according to weather, road conditions, or individual preferences.

Good companions do not merely share the road; they enrich the experience.

6. Study Before You Go

Knowledge acquired before a journey can greatly deepen our appreciation of the places we visit. The more we learn about a destination, the more rewarding the experience becomes.

I remember reading an account of the history of peaches that made the fruit more interesting to me. The story described how peaches travelled across regions and cultures, with accounts linking their introduction and spread to China, India, and eventually Europe. Learning the history behind something so familiar added an unexpected sweetness to its taste.

Similarly, before visiting a place, we should learn about its history, geography, culture, and social customs. Such knowledge helps us understand what we see rather than merely pass through it.

Pakistan's remote valleys and mountain communities possess distinctive traditions shaped by centuries of geographical isolation and cultural evolution. We should approach these communities with respect, humility, and an open mind. Understanding local customs helps us become more welcome guests and more thoughtful travellers.

7. Motorcycle Riding as Meditation

I often feel that people fall into two broad categories. Some seem composed and comfortable with themselves. They take life in their stride and are generally at ease with others. Others appear perpetually stressed and sometimes pass that stress on to everyone around them.

Meditation, reflection, and the ability to pause and collect oneself can help us become calmer and more balanced.

For me, motorcycle riding offers an excellent opportunity for this kind of reflection. Even when riding among a crowd of fellow motorcyclists, one is ultimately alone with one's thoughts and, if one believes, with the Creator.

The rhythm of the road, the changing landscape, and the distance from everyday responsibilities can provide precious space to process unresolved conflicts, reconsider priorities, and release accumulated stress. Naturally, this reflection must never distract us from the road; our attention while riding must remain firmly on traffic and changing conditions.

I have repeatedly returned from motorcycle trips feeling gentler, calmer, and more affectionate as a person and a husband. The change has become so noticeable that, at times, my wife herself suggests that I go on a motorcycle trip and return recharged!

8. A Few Golden Rules

Before discussing what I consider the essence of motorcycle adventure travel, I would like to share a few practical reminders:

• Cleanliness is an important value in our faith and our lives. Leave every place cleaner than you found it. We must never spoil the natural beauty with which we have been blessed.
• Stay well hydrated, especially in hot weather.
• Avoid riding in darkness whenever possible. Reduced visibility makes it harder for other road users to see you and makes hazards more difficult to identify.
• I have always found early-morning riding especially refreshing and enjoyable.
• Refill your fuel tank whenever a convenient and reliable opportunity presents itself, particularly in remote areas. Keep yourself adequately fed, too.
• Prefer light meals that leave you comfortable and alert.
• Stop whenever you find a worthwhile reason to enjoy the scenery or explore something interesting.
• Remain relaxed, but alert.
• Stop and rest before you become exhausted.
• A slightly slower pace often makes a long ride both safer and more enjoyable.
• Remember that the journey is at least as important as the destination. If you are not enjoying the journey, perhaps you need to learn how to enjoy it.

9. Romancing the Road

This brings me to what I consider the very essence of motorcycle adventure travel.

We must never try to compete with nature or machines. It is a contest we cannot win. Instead, we should develop a kind of love affair with the road and the machine we ride. Once we learn to appreciate their character and limitations, we begin to discover wonders that a hurried or competitive rider may never experience.

A well-maintained motorcycle, ridden with understanding and mechanical sympathy, can sometimes perform remarkably well under demanding conditions. But it is not magic: sensible maintenance, appropriate riding technique, and respect for the machine's limits remain essential.

The same philosophy applies to the journey itself. We do not need to conquer every mountain pass, cover the greatest distance, or prove our endurance to anyone. We need to experience the road, the landscape, the people, and the freedom of being there.

Don't try to conquer the distance. Experience it.

I believe the good Lord created human beings to create, appreciate, and contribute rather than spend their lives competing unnecessarily with one another. When we stop trying to prove ourselves, we often discover a wonderful sense of serenity and calm.

We have nothing to prove to others. Our real challenge is to keep improving ourselves.

10. A Few Things to Avoid

Here are a few mistakes I would encourage fellow riders to avoid:

• Do not over-plan every minute. Leave room for spontaneous discoveries and unexpected pleasures.
• Avoid night riding whenever possible. Plan your day so that you can reach your destination before darkness.
• Do not turn a beautiful adventure into an endurance contest. Riding should be a pleasure, not a test of how much discomfort you can tolerate.
• Be careful with entertainment. If you use music or navigation equipment, ensure that it does not interfere with your awareness of traffic and your surroundings. Never let headphones, music, or navigation distract you from safe riding.
• Do not overlook the simplest pleasure of all: the ride itself. Personally, I prefer to let the motorcycle and the landscape provide much of the entertainment. Long rides, when approached thoughtfully and safely, can become almost meditative.
• Do not make your destination too ambitious. If you are riding for pleasure, 300 enjoyable kilometres can be far more rewarding than 600 exhausting ones.

The Journey Is the Reward

Motorcycle adventure travel is much more than moving from one place to another. It is an opportunity to experience freedom, discover unfamiliar landscapes, learn about people and cultures, strengthen friendships, and reconnect with ourselves.

Pakistan offers extraordinary opportunities for such adventures, from its sweeping plains and foothills to its majestic mountains and remote valleys. We are fortunate to live in a country where so much natural beauty remains waiting to be explored.

Let us enjoy these blessings responsibly, travel with humility, respect nature and local communities, and return home with memories rather than regrets.

Ride safely, travel happily, and enjoy a long, healthy life filled with adventures.

Fi Aman Allah.

 

khanmomar@hotmail.com

 

 

 

 

The Khilafat Movement (1919–1924): A Critical Historical Analysis

 

 

Dr. Umar Khan

khanmomar@hotmail.com

Dr. Khan belongs to a Lahore based Think Tank.

3-10-26

 

The Khilafat Movement (1919–1924): A Critical Historical Analysis

Introduction

The Khilafat Movement of 1919–1924 represents one of the most intriguing episodes in the history of Indian Muslims under British colonial rule. It was a mass movement that mobilized millions of Muslims across the Indian subcontinent in defense of the Ottoman Caliphate, an institution that held deep religious and symbolic significance for Muslims worldwide. Yet, as the movement unfolded, it became increasingly clear that the objects of its devotion—the Ottoman Caliph and his empire—were not the noble, independent Islamic rulers that the movement's leaders imagined them to be. This essay critically examines the Khilafat Movement, exploring its origins, demands, and ultimate failure, while questioning the historical narrative that has often romanticized both the movement and the institution it sought to protect.

 

Historical Context: The Ottoman Empire's Decline

To understand the Khilafat Movement, one must first understand the condition of the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century. The empire, once the most powerful Islamic state in the world, had been in steady decline for over a century. The disastrous decision to take foreign loans to finance extravagant projects, such as the Dolmabahçe Palace, placed an enormous burden on the state treasury. The construction of this palace alone cost the equivalent of approximately US$3 billion, representing roughly a quarter of the empire's yearly tax revenue.

 

More loans taken during the Crimean War further strained an already crumbling Turkish economy. These financial missteps eventually led to the empire defaulting on its public debt in October 1875, and in 1881, the Ottoman Public Debt Administration (OPDA) was established. This institution was not merely an Ottoman government department; it was an autonomous financial body created through an agreement between the Ottoman government and its European creditors. The OPDA controlled revenues amounting to roughly one-quarter of Ottoman state revenue, collecting them and transferring the proceeds to creditors. It held monopolies on salt and tobacco and was afforded taxes on stamps, alcohol, fishing, and silk.

 

This arrangement effectively surrendered a significant portion of Ottoman sovereignty to Western powers. As historians have noted, the OPDA was an example of European financial control or "economic imperialism." The Ottoman Empire remained politically sovereign, but a substantial portion of its fiscal revenues came under international creditor administration. In other words, the Caliph—the supposed guardian of Islam—had become a debtor to the very powers that would later dismember his empire.

 

The Armistice of Mudros and the Treaty of Sevres

The end of World War I brought further humiliation to the Ottoman Empire. The Armistice of Mudros, signed on October 30, 1918, effectively ended independent Ottoman state and left the Caliph a hostage in his own Topkapi Palace, guarded by the British. The subsequent release of the Sykes-Picot Agreement by the Soviets exposed the guile and motives of Britain and France, who were promising Ottoman lands to different people while keeping the lion's share for themselves. They were carving the Ottoman Sultanate into many parts, practically annihilating it.

 

This was followed by the Treaty of Sevres, enforced upon the Caliph on August 10, 1920. The treaty was absolutely humiliating and destructive, distributing Ottoman lands among many European nations—Britain, France, Greece, Italy, and Armenia—making a mockery of the Turks and the Caliph. A small "Osmanistan" was left for the Turks, a mere shadow of their former empire.

 

The Khilafat Movement: Origins and Demands

It was in this context that Indian Muslims, despite living under subjugation, abuse, and humiliation by the British, started a movement to protect the Caliph and the Ottomans. Those who couldn't protect themselves were ostensibly protecting another nation against the most vicious world powers. The Khilafat Movement had three primary demands: first, the preservation of the Ottoman Caliphate and the protection of the Sultan's temporal and spiritual authority following World War I; second, the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire; and third, control of the holy sites.

 

However, a careful examination of these demands and the attitude and policy of the Caliph reveals a troubling contradiction. The Caliph had become a British spokesman, repeatedly ordering the resisting forces to obey the treaties—meaning giving everything to the occupiers. He was practically a British hostage. Therefore, the Khilafat Movement's demand for the continuity of the Caliphate and the preservation of the Caliph's authority effectively meant that the movement wanted the Turkish nationalists resisting the occupational forces to obey the Caliph and hand over all control to the British. The Caliph was to be considered sacred and a spiritual leader who had to be obeyed as a tenet of Islam.

 

Mustafa Kamal Ataturk and the Turkish War of Independence

Fortunately for Turkey, Mustafa Kamal Ataturk and the Young Turks refused to accept this subjugation and started resisting it. They fought unbelievably bravely without resources and freed the lands that the Greeks and others had occupied. After three years of valiant and fearless fighting against all odds, the Turkish freedom fighters won, and the Treaty of Lausanne was signed on July 24, 1923. The shameful Treaty of Sevres was abrogated and Turkey was recognized as an independent country in its current borders. The previous financial and military restraints were finally relieved.

 

Throughout this desperate struggle, the Caliph had become a British spokesman, repeatedly ordering the resisting forces to obey the treaties. In other words, the Khilafat Movement in India was indirectly supporting the British and the Caliph against the Turkish nationalists who were actually fighting for their freedom. This is a paradoxical and often overlooked aspect of the movement.

 

The Ottoman Caliphs: Not Saintly Rulers

The admirers of the Turkish Caliphs conveniently forget the Ottoman Caliphs were not saintly Muslim rulers like the Rashideen, whose obedience was compulsory for Muslims. They had made Turkey into the "Sick Man of Europe" and squandered its sovereignty to the Europeans through their foolishness and debauchery.

 

On the contrary, the fearless and courageous nationalist soldier Mustafa Kamal is mostly despised as someone less of a Muslim than the hereditary rulers disguised as Islamic Caliphs. This is a historical injustice that must be corrected. The Khilafat Movement, despite its good intentions, was based on a flawed understanding of the Ottoman Caliphate and its history. It romanticized an institution that had long ceased to be a genuine guardian of Islamic interests and had become a tool in the hands of Western powers.

 

Conclusion

For a long time, emotions and an extreme emotional attachment to Islam and its symbolism have been an integral part of the iman of Muslims. Even philosophers like Allama Iqbal preached this when he said:

achchhā hai dil ke saath rahe pāsbān-e-aql
lekin kabhī kabhī ise tanhā bhī chhoḌ de

Allama Iqbal

It is desirable for the guardian of reason to remain with the heart,
Yet, at times, it should leave it all alone.
— Allama Iqbal

Although he didn't elaborate on when to stop using the mind and what the criteria should be.

 

Following this pattern, well-meaning and innocent Muslims repeatedly found themselves in strange situations where the cause and effects of their efforts didn't justify their objectives. This disconnect played significant part in the fall of the Muslims and their humbling by the treacherous Europeans for centuries.

 

The Khilafat Movement, therefore, found itself in the strange position of opposing the very forces that were fighting for Turkish independence and its apparent support of the co called Islamic Caliph was playing in the hands of the Europeans. It is a cautionary tale about the dangers of allowing emotion to override reason, of failing to distinguish between the symbolic and the real. The Khilafat Movement is a reminder that we must correct our recorded and spoken history for our future generations and stop making a mockery of it.

"Those countries that forget history, their geography gets messed up."

 

 

khanmomar@hotmail.com